Faure Gnassingbé took office in 2005 in a disputed election following the death of his father, Gnassingbé Eyadema, who had ruled the small West African country with an iron fist for 38 years. Will the justice sector be perceived as an evenhanded arbiter? The Tanganyika Law Society (TLS) is the Bar association of Tanzania Mainland, founded in 1954 by an Act of Parliament – the Tanganyika Law Society Ordinance 1954. An estimated 2,000 people have been killed, and nearly 500,000—out of the total population of 11 million—have become refugees or internally displaced since 2015. As with any transition, before new norms and institutions can be established, the example set by leaders will be enormously influential. Mahama won when the two ran against each other in 2012. Ghana has an active civil society that has facilitated a culture of debate and dialogue among the competing actors. However, the ruling Union of the Republic party, which holds 59 of 91 seats in Parliament, did not apply the new term limits retroactively, effectively resetting the term limit “clock” and opening the door for Faure Gnassingbé to run for a fourth term in 2020 and possibly a fifth term in 2025. The election was marred by irregularities, and subsequent political violence claimed at least 23 lives in January 2001, mostly on Pemba island,[2] where police used tear gas and bullets against demonstrators. The expectation is that Condé would use any such amendment as a pretext to justify a bid for a third term. However, ECOWAS has been notably passive in responding to Togo’s persistent democratic deficit. This arrangement, moreover, is expected to further ensure the separation of responsibilities between the oversight and the implementation tasks of the Electoral Commission. Some efforts to build cross-ethnic and cross-regional coalitions have begun. The prospect for such a historic moment has been shepherded by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, who upon taking the mantle of the premiership in April 2018, has opened up Ethiopia’s erstwhile tightly controlled political system. Previously, the president was free to choose a prime minister independently. Niger is undertaking this democratic transition while combating an increasingly aggressive insurgency from militant Islamist groups. Africa’s 2020 elections are clustered in West Africa (with 6 elections), the Horn (Ethiopia and Somalia), and the Great Lakes (Burundi and Tanzania). With a still weak security sector, the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) continues to be an indispensable actor in providing security in the urban areas. A key question for Ethiopia in this historic election, therefore, will be how well its political and civic leaders rise to the occasion. A Russian national, Valery Zakharov, now serves as Touadéra’s national security advisor, raising concerns over CAR’s compromised sovereignty. Considering that more than 221 political movements and 77,000 candidates participated in the 2019 local elections, this high number comes as no surprise – yet Legislation passed in January 2019 gives a state-appointed registrar sweeping powers over internal political party matters. Since the start of 2019, there have been 14 arrests of activists and opposition members. Moreover, many members of the C-14 have rallied behind former Prime Minister Agbéyomé Kodjo, who has been selected as the candidate of the Democratic Forces, a coalition initiated by Philippe Fanoko Kossi Kpodzro, Archbishop Emeritus of Lomé. President John Magufuli of Tanzania, a prominent COVID-19 skeptic in Africa whose populist rule often cast his East African country in a harsh international spotlight, has died. By contrast, in 2014, Burkina Faso did not suffer from any such attacks. His actions since then seem aimed at realizing precisely that goal. Since President John Magufuli came into office in 2015, democratic space has diminished more rapidly in Tanzania than in virtually any other African country. To the extent that the central government and the FMS can use the occasion as an incentive to engage in a genuine dialogue on a functional power-sharing structure for Somalia, the process creates an opportunity to lay a stronger foundation for Somalia’s long-fragile state. The former leaders’ parties organized a major joint rally in Abidjan in August 2019 despite their lack of common ground. [10] Ninety-nine districts have been created to further increase local authority. The Court also ordered Parliament to assess the competency of the Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC), leading to the resignation of the MEC chairperson viewed as a Mutharika loyalist. One of the most intriguing and consequential elections of the year will be in Ethiopia in what is effectively shaping up to be the first competitive democratic election in this country of 100 million people. Tanzania has a five-level judiciary, which comprises the jurisdictions of tribal, Islamic, and British common law.[9]. Niger faced 78 violent attacks and 271 fatalities involving such groups in 2019—a three-fold increase from the previous year. In this fraught climate, a controversial 2018 referendum extended presidential terms from 5 to 7 years and opened the door for Nkurunziza to run for a fourth term in 2020 and a fifth term in 2027. Observers considered these by-elections, the first major test of the reconciliation agreement, to be free, fair, and peaceful. 1P1V is aimed at replacing the old system of clan-based power-sharing that was characterized by extensive vote buying, limited participation of women, and exclusion of marginalized and minority groups. The law would also require the elected president to nominate a prime minister from the party that wins the most seats in Parliament. Faure Gnassingbé’s Kabye ethnic group comprises 70 percent of the army, though it makes up only a quarter of the population. Many Guineans are also angered that Condé has failed to hold accountable security actors responsible for the September 2009 stadium massacre of 150 protesters and systematic rape of dozens of women perpetuated during the rule of coup leader Moussa Dadis Camara—a defining event in modern Guinean history. The move has precipitated anger and protests from some citizens and opposition groups who feel Touadéra is rewarding rebels for their destabilizing behavior. A constitutional referendum to formalize a two-term presidential limit that was originally planned for March 2019 is now expected in 2020. The terms of office for Zanzibar's president and House of Representatives also are 5 years. By 2018, many of the factors taken into account by Freedom House had undergone a small but significant decline, with the most recent reports citing a marked deterioration in the rights of civil society and reduced the abilities of political opposition to criticize the Magufuli regime. It was at once answered by Tanzania government. Given the still nascent nature of Burkina Faso’s democracy, political parties remain relatively weak organizations with limited national networks. Meanwhile, Nkurunziza has been given the titles of “Eternal Supreme Guide” and “Paramount Leader” in legislation approved in January 2020. Parliament is considering a new electoral law that would approve nationwide one-person one-vote polls (1P1V) instead of the old clan-based power-sharing formula. Togo’s notoriously fragmented opposition parties, supported by an energized diaspora, have been increasingly adamant in demanding an end to Togo’s dynastic rule and a transition to democracy. Ethnically based perceptions of power and entitlement have been building since and have led to a growing toll of violence from ethnic militias in recent years. Some of these questions include: Will the newly empowered NEBE will be able to effectively administer the election and be perceived as fair? They showed unprecedented levels of organization and resiliency in coordinating the protests that led to the reinstatement of term limits. In a televised New Year’s Eve address, Russia’s then-ambassador to Guinea, Alexander Bregadze, condoned the constitutional change telling Guineans that they would be “mad” to allow the “legendary” Condé to step down. Laws passed by the National Assembly are valid for Zanzibar only in specifically designated union matters. The ruling CCM party’s candidate, Benjamin W. Mkapa, defeated his three main rivals, winning the presidential election with 71% of the vote. The Judges of the Court of Appeal and the High Court are appointed by the President. The party system is dominated by the Chama Cha Mapinduzi … Subsequently, he was sentenced to 5 years in prison. Africa’s 2020 elections are clustered in West Africa (with 6 elections), the Horn (Ethiopia and Somalia), and the Great Lakes (Burundi and Tanzania). The headline of Togo’s presidential elections is President Faure Gnassingbé’s efforts to stay in power for a fourth term—and extending the hold his family has had on the presidency since 1967. Mutharika and his ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) have formed an alliance with opposition party, United Democratic Front (UDF), in an effort to reach the 50+1 majority. January 28, 2020 (updated on November 3, 2020). (Photo: USAID). More than 1,500 candidates are vying for the votes of … The issue to watch will be whether the opposition can become sufficiently organized to offer a united front to overcome Faure Gnassingbé’s influence on the electoral process. Changes to the Zanzibar Constitution in April 2002 allowed both the CCM and CUF parties to nominate members to the Zanzibar Electoral Commission. Hundreds of thousands have been displaced. The Electoral Commission has earned a reputation as a credible and independent body, which has helped the competing parties accept the results as valid while reinforcing the legitimacy of the outcome. Barring motivations to remain part of a unified national vision, regionally based politicians will have strong incentives to appeal to ethnic nationalist tropes in order to mobilize supporters. The 2020 elections will be the second democratic presidential and legislative elections post-Compaoré. Once seen as a budding democracy with a widely admired respect for civil liberties, Tanzania now has a government that cracks down on independent media, opposition parties, and human rights defenders. Opposition leader Hama Amadou has returned to Niger after 3 years of exile in France. The election in 2020 is expected to be similarly close, focusing on sustaining the middle-income country’s continued economic development (averaging 6 percent annual growth), financial sector reform, control of corruption, equity, and job creation. The political crisis has also led to the fragmentation of the security sector. (In 2002, Gnassingbé Eyadema was able to strike term limits from the Constitution). Opponents contend that Condé has increasingly governed in an authoritarian manner. Dar Helped Kick out Amin, so why isn’t Uganda More Grateful? Opponents believe the outcome was facilitated by Condé’s stacking of the Independent National Electoral Commission with loyalists. Reforms under the current administration have involved proposals to reduce the concentration of power in the presidency and the dissolution of the elite Presidential Guard forces that sustained Compaoré’s tenure and subsequently attempted a coup. Although the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party has held power continuously since independence in 1961, Tanzania now risks officially reverting to a one-party state after 28 years of multiparty politics. Likewise, security actors (primarily the police, though with support from the army), working closely with the Electoral Commission, have gained valuable experience in protecting the electoral process in a professional, apolitical manner so as to facilitate citizen participation and safety. In 2019, investigative journalists in Ghana have had their offices raided and have been detained and murdered—previously unimaginable actions in Ghana. The Central African Republic (CAR) is one of Africa’s most fragile states, having faced persistent factional and intercommunal conflict since 2013. Positively, 2019 also saw the passage of Ghana’s Right to Information law—the culmination of a two-decade effort to expand access to information from—and therefore improve oversight of—public institutions. Otherwise, Ethiopia faces the risk of a series of fragmented jurisdictions with no common rationale. In his effort to build an inclusive government that can bring peace, Touadéra negotiated a peace agreement in February 2019 that granted rebel leaders 13 ministerial positions and introduced Mixed Special Security Units (USMS) pairing government and rebel security forces. He hopes to contest this year’s election, though he must first clear some legal hurdles stemming from past criminal charges, which he claims are politically motivated. Malawi’s democratic institutions have shown remarkable independence in pressing for a transparent tally for this election cycle and by resisting Mutharika’s attempts to subvert executive oversight. (Photo: Kremlin.ru). He was 61 years old.Magufuli's death was announced on Wednesday by Vice President Samia Suluhu, who said the president died of heart failure. To the extent that these gain traction, parties and political actors will have incentives to advance unifying themes. These tensions were evident in violent mutinies in 2016 and 2017. Executive power is exercised by the government. This unelected role will enable Nkurunziza to remain the dominant political force in Burundi, but with even fewer constraints. She is the first female President of Tanzania.[8]. It will also be worth keeping an eye on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Subsequently, most of the country’s political opposition, civil society leaders, and independent media fled the country or have been imprisoned, tortured, or murdered. Bédié and Gbagbo hail from the relatively more prosperous and Christian south, which has traditionally held power in the country to the exclusion of the more rural and largely Muslim north. This will strengthen the executive branch’s grip on Guinea’s Constitutional Court, further eroding its impartiality. Russia has dramatically increased its engagement in CAR since 2018 with the deployment of 235 Russian security instructors primarily from the private military contractor, the Wagner Group. Burundian soldiers dispersing protesters in Bujumbura in 2015. The outcome of these competing forces will determine whether Côte d’Ivoire continues on the path of political reform and economic growth (which, at 7 percent per year, is among the highest in Africa) or lurches back to a form of unaccountable exclusionary governance that triggered the 2003 and 2010 civil conflicts. Opposition leaders say the legislative changes would effectively criminalize political activity. Working with a weak slate of security and justice institutions, Touadéra relies heavily on MINUSCA, the UN peacekeeping and stabilization mission, for security. Legislative power is vested in both the government and parliament. With over 100 political parties, the mechanisms for articulating national policies while building grassroots networks remain rudimentary. In the past, the regional body has been a leading force in upholding democratic norms in the region (most recently by facilitating the departure of Yahya Jammeh after he was defeated at the ballot box in 2017), greatly elevating ECOWAS’s reputation.
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